When State Department spokesman Richard Boucher admitted Jan. 3 that
the U.S. was still watching Somalia for signs of ties to terror groups,
it was an ominous reminder that an African country could be the next
target in the murky U.S. war on terrorism.
The prospect of America dropping bombs on another country wrecked by
years of civil war and already suffering from internal, violent power
struggles is troubling. It appears that the world�s only remaining
superpower is acting more and more like a schoolyard bully.
When the horrific events of Sept. 11 unfolded, the world expressed
sympathy and support for the terrorist attack on U.S. soil and the
tragic deaths of innocent civilians.
No one would argue that the U.S. should not pursue the criminals who
committed the vicious attacks. But there is considerable reason to urge
caution as the U.S. widens its war on terrorism. Going after killers is
one thing, using �terrorism� to assert an imperialist aim is another.
They are incompatible and imperialism only leads to increased anger and
opposition to U.S. foreign policy that oppresses and exploits other
nations, or supports those who oppress and exploit their own people.
To date the U.S. cannot provide a cogent definition of what a
terrorist is and the world has not provided a standard by which
legitimate armed struggle is distinguished from terrorism. So the
Israelis call suicide bombers terrorists and Palestinians who watch
their stone-throwing children shot down in the streets and political
leaders assassinated by the Israeli military say Israel is guilty of
state sponsored terrorism.
Another worrisome aspect of the war on terrorism is America�s use of
already feuding groups to fight a proxy war, or an American willingness
to allow one side to call the other a terrorist to receive military aid
needed to assert its dominance�whether the dominance will lead to peace
in the country or not.
There is also legitimate fear that the U.S. could use terror as an
excuse to get even with Somali warlords over the 1993 Special Operations
exercise to arrest a Somali warlord that turned into a firefight. In the
end, U.S. soldiers lost lives and videotape was shown of the bodies of
servicemen dragged through the streets of Mogadishu. The carnage in the
country has continued largely unabated.
In December, several warlords who refused to sign onto an agreement
that clan elders approved to help create a central government, called
some others who signed the accord terrorists. The name-calling was an
obvious bid to get superpower weapons, money and support to continue an
ongoing conflict�and hopefully win.
Calling the other side a terrorist today seems to have the same
impact as calling an opponent a Communist yesterday�it opens the door
for U.S. support. It is �support� from the U.S. on one side and the now
defunct Soviet Union on the other that fueled the fires of civil war
that still rage in the Motherland. Many of the seeds of the conflicts
were planted and nurtured during the Cold War, when the East-West
conflict meant both sides paid dictators who would do their bidding. In
some cases, dictators simply changed sides when one paymaster balked at
an embarrassing outrage or refused to up the ante in cash or weapons.
Could support of such dictators be called evidence of state-sponsored
terror backed by the United States and its onetime nemesis?
Africa, in general, and Somalia, in particular, has enough problems
already. More war in an already destroyed country only causes more
suffering, more bitterness, more resentment and eventually more hatred,
especially when it appears that outsiders are fomenting or exploiting
already deep rooted conflict. The U.S. should forego military action in
Somalia and Black America should lead calls for a careful expansion of
any wider terror war. It might not be the popular thing to do, but it is
the right course to pursue.