In the summer of 1995, FBI agents who commanded the government�s
armored assault on the Branch Davidians� home outside of Waco,
Texas, swore under oath to a congressional oversight committee that
although their tanks battered down the flimsy walls of the Davidian�s
Mt. Carmel Center, and spewed CS gas at women and children for six
hours, they never did anything that could have started the fire that
eventually took more than 76 civilian lives. Now, four years later, a
previously undisclosed FBI audiotape clearly reveals that agents fired
combustible tear gas rounds.
Congressional leaders�some of whom presided over the 1995
hearings that let the FBI off the hook�are now calling for a new set
of hearings. But there is little reason to believe that a forum
presided over by Democrats and Republicans will ever elicit a
satisfactory explanation as to how our law enforcement officials
provoked this tragedy. If the history of the 1995 hearings is any
guide, any new investigations of the FBI�s actions will be milked by
both parties for every possible partisan advantage and then discarded.
Athough there were some "true believers" among
congressional staff and some first-term members, no one in the
leadership of either party ever seriously wanted hearings that would
uncover law enforcement abuses and lay the basis for much-needed
reform of the agencies in question. In the wake of the greatest law
enforcement disaster in FBI history, no one with oversight
responsibilities wanted to do anything at all. Grassroots activists
and independent investigators across the political spectrum�religious
scholars who had studies the Branch Davidian sect, Second Amendment
activists, civil rights campaigners unafraid to stand up for the
rights of those most Americans regard as "fringe"�started
lobbying Congress in the month after the fire, urging that the FBI be
held to account.
Members on both sides of the aisle turned a deaf ear.
But by the summer of 1995, the political environment had changed.
The Republicans now had a majority, and the National Rifle
Association was boasting, with good reason, that its campaign
contributions had helped the Republicans in their 1994 electoral
sweep. They instructed their congressional beneficiaries that it was
time to roll back the assault weapons ban and other restrictions on
gun ownership passed by President Clinton and his Democratic allies.
The egregious abuses by law enforcement agencies like the FBI and the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms�at Waco, Ruby Ridge and
elsewhere�became ammunition in the Republican/NRA campaign against
the Clinton administration.
Meanwhile, the Democrats mobilized for the defense of their
Commander-in-Chief and the nation�s law enforcement agencies.
Many observers of the 1995 hearings remarked that the Democrats and
Republicans seemed to have switched places, with the Republicans
defending the rights of an outcast minority, while the Democrats
defended the abusive government agents.
From the opening gavel, in my eyes, the five Congressional Black
Caucus members on the panel made it clear they were Democrats first,
civil rights leaders second. Only months earlier they had led a
spirited defense of the Fourth Amendment right to freedom from
unwarranted search and seizure, in response to an (ultimately
successful) attempt by Republicans to overturn the "exclusionary
rule" that said evidence obtained illegally at trial could not be
introduced in court. But, in spite of pleas from myself and other
advocates for the rights of the Branch Davidians, they refused to
speak up on the gross violations of Fourth Amendment rights committed
by the ATF when they falsely obtained a defective warrant and used it
as justification for the original raid on Mt. Carmel.
Trying to score points against the Republicans was everything;
joining ranks with them in a defense of civil liberties was apparently
impossible for some Democrats to do.
Though the Republicans did question law enforcement abuses, their
partisan agenda became clear when they focused their line of
questioning on trying to expose the White House�s role in signing
off on the final gas/tank assault on Mt. Carmel. This took the form of
trying to show that Attorney General Janet Reno was not really the one
ultimately responsible for giving the OK to the assault. But if one
thing emerges from all the testimony and reports it is that the
attorney general was thoroughly bamboozled by the FBI.
Bill Johnson, a prosecutor from the U.S. Attorney�s office in San
Antonio involved in the original and new investigations, recently
wrote Ms. Reno a warning that aides misled her about the role of
federal agents in the assault: "I have formed the belief that
facts may have been kept from you�and quite possibly are being kept
from you even now�by components of the department."
If the goal is now to investigate law enforcement abuses, it would
be fruitful to focus the inquiry on how it was that the FBI fed the
attorney general selective information to support the course of action
they had already settled on, how the American people were misinformed
and misled and how the partisan agendas of both political parties
fueled a bi-partisan cover-up of one of the most shameful and
destructive abuses of constitutional rights ever in American history.
(Dr. Lenora B. Fulani, who twice ran for U.S. president as an
independent and was the first woman and Black American to get on the
ballot in all 50 states in 1988, is a leading activist in the Reform
Party and chairs the Committee for a Unified Independent Party. She
can be reached at 1-800-288-3201 or at www.
Fulani.org.)