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WEB POSTED 06-26-2001

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The road to an African Union

For 38 years, African nations have struggled with the idea of creating a continental body to ease the negative effects of European interference in Africa's destiny.

by Ahmed-Rufai
International Editor


(Editor�s note: In July, the Organization of African Unity is scheduled to meet in Lusaka, Zambia, and continue its move toward an African Union, similar to the European Union. The African Union, which replaces the OAU, has a 12-month transition period that began May 26. The details of how the continental body will function are still being worked out. The following article gives the historical background on the seeds of this potentially powerful grouping.)

(FinalCall.com)�"Never before have a people had within their grasp so great an opportunity for developing a continent endowed with so much wealth. Individually, the independent states of Africa, some of them potentially rich, others poor, can do little for their people. Together, by mutual help, they can achieve much. But the economic development of the continent must be planned and perused as a whole. A loose confederation designed only for economic co-operation would not provide the necessary unity of purpose. Only a strong political union can bring about full and effective development of our material resources for the benefit of our people."

The above quote from the 1961 book "I Speak of Freedom" by Ghana�s first President Dr. Kwame Nkrumah sums up the dilemma that Africans faced in early post- independence years.

For 38 years, African nations have struggled with the idea of creating a continental body to ease the negative effects of European interference in Africa�s destiny.

This interference was seen in 1884 when European nations met in Berlin and sliced up Africa among themselves. They did not take Africans� ethnic diversity into consideration. The fact that most African societies had their own governments was not considered either. Thus the Yoruba people, previously united under the Oyo Empire found themselves now divided into the colonies of Dahomey, Nigeria and the Protectorate of Lagos. The Asante of the Asante Empire found themselves in Ivory Coast (now Cote d�Ivoire) and Ghana. The Mossi were divided into Ghana and Burkina Faso (then called Upper Volta) while the Kanuri of Kanem-Bornu Empire became colonial subjects in Nigeria, Cameroun and Chad. In southern Africa, Malawi, South Africa, Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho and Zimbabwe became countries that developed out of not only the actions of Shaka, the Zulu warrior, but also intrigues of British settlers led by Cecil Rhodes.

Africans challenged this European interference. But in the face of superior military strength and technology, Africans� military response proved futile.

The very success of the European colonization also set in motion nationalist and Pan-Africanist forces, which later led to African independence. Pan-Africanism was pushed in 1900 by Blacks in the Diaspora led by the Trinidadian, Henry Sylvester Williams. It was not until 1945 when Africans on the continent became leaders of the movement through anti-colonial struggle. This culminated in the 1945 Manchester Conference, which affirmed the right of all colonial peoples to control their destiny and demanded decolonization.

Between 1945 and 1960, territorial nationalism and Pan-Africanism were perceived by many in Africa as inextricably linked together. When Kwame Nkrumah stated that the independence of Ghana was meaningless until it was linked with the total liberation of Africa, he was expressing the hope of many African leaders who almost instinctively joined the Pan-Africanist bandwagon.

As African colonies became independent and sovereign states in the early 1960s, strategies for continental unity were explored and debated by nationalist statesmen.

After independence, which began with Ghana on March 6, 1957, many of the newly independent states jealously guarded their newly acquired sovereignty. The main struggle was, therefore, getting the new continental leaders to sacrifice their national interest for continental survival. That dream was realized on April 26, 2001, when Nigeria became the 36th nation to sign the instrument for the establishment of the African Union and formally brought to end the Organization of African Unity.

The immediate post-independence debate focused on Kwame Nkrumah and his critics. It was intense, emotionally charged and ideologically based. But it was a healthy one between confederalist ideologues and federalists.

The confederalists argued their approach would have little assault on national sovereignty. Federalists, on the other hand, called for a much more radical approach, shifting political loyalty from its narrow territorial base to a continental base. This debate resulted in the division of Africa into militant and moderate camps. The former was outwardly socialist and known as the Casablanca group of states. The moderates were predominantly conservative and called the Monrovia group.

President Nkrumah articulated the view of the impatient African radical, who had suffered greatly from the regime of colonialism. He saw himself as a colonial prison "graduate." Colonialism, as well as neocolonialism, were to him the true face of white racial arrogance, indeed its quintessence.

In his view, the only solution was immediate political integration of Africa�s mini-states into a federal political union. Mr. Nkrumah provided the argument of those who believed "Africa Must Unite Now!"

This approach alone, the Nkrumanists perceived, could provide the best solutions to the problems facing the continent as a whole.

The moderate view was led by Nigeria�s Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. Mr. Balewa represented a more pragmatic approach to African unity. The Balewa school, to which a great majority of leaders of independent African states belonged, believed a gradual race to unity was the best insurance against premature derailment.

They argued that a solid attitudinal change among African leaders was a precondition for achieving a constitutional agreement that reflected an African loyalty shift away from nation-states to a continental community.

As President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia explained in 1964, "To know one another better, we must first learn to respect one another and understand the problems of each in the interest of all. Our minds must get accustomed to the idea of unity with its material and moral implications. A thorough psychological preparation is needed and without it nothing worthwhile can be accomplished."

Realization of the dream of an African Union crystallized in Nigeria�s capital, Abuja, in 1991 when OAU leaders signed the protocol for establishing the African Economic Community. Then came the Sirte Declaration of September 9, 1999 in Libya, which laid the groundwork for the African Union. The ratification on April 26, 2001 by Nigeria made the African Union a legal framework for more than two-thirds of the Motherland�s nations.

At Final Call presstime, 43 countries�seven more than the two-third member nation requirement�had ratified African Union documents, an indication of the current attitudinal change on the continent.

In the words of OAU Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim, between 1963 and 2001 "have been thirty-eight years of holding on together as a people, deriving strength in our common identity, and pursuing the vision of a shared destiny."

Mr. Salim said the African Union was inspired by "the recognition of the imperative necessity for Africans to pool together our strengths, solidify our unity and solidarity and dedicate ourselves to our common destiny. Only by doing so shall we be able to live in dignity and prosperity as a people."

The African Union, he declared, marks the rebirth of Africa into a new entity, much stronger, more capable and closely connected to the people. Unity, Mr. Salim said, is not an "option."

"After all, the challenges that face us, including the HIV-AIDS pandemic, natural and human made disasters, abject poverty, an excruciating debt burden, the recalcitrant conflicts and tensions invariably exert a collective rather than an individual impact. We need to be together," he said.

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